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Boris Johnson’s evidence to privileges committee – snap verdict
In its report earlier this month the privileges committee said that it would consider whether Boris Johnson misled the house and, if so, it would consider “whether that was inadvertent, reckless or intentional”. On the basis of that evidence session, and all the written evidence that has been released, it seems likely that Johnson will go down on recklessness.
That will be enough to trigger a sanction. But it does not have to be a suspension of 10-days or more, and it is not hard to see why the committee might opt for a lesser punishment. There has been little or no evidence to back up claims there was a conspiracy to lie to MPs. The committee will want to produce a report and recommendation acceptable to as much as the Commons as possible. And any sanction at all on a former PM like this would be unprecedented. That would serve as warning to ministers in future that they need to take their obligations to parliament a lot more seriously than Johnson.
On the whole, the committee did a good job. It is still not clear why the committee did not ask about the Abba party, but it ran to time, the questions were robust, it never became partisan and the Conservatives on the committee gave the impression that they are not minded to be intimidated by a write-in campaign organised by grassroots Johnsonite extremists.
We did not learn any great new facts. But the MPs were good at testing the robustness of Johnson’s arguments, and two exchanges were particularly revealing. First, Sir Bernard Jenkin established quite effectively that Johnson’s understanding of what the guidance actually meant was so elastic as to cover not taking any notice of the guidance at all. (See 3.08pm.) And his question about what Johnson would have said if asked at a press conference if a crowded drinks do was allowed in a workplace under the Covid guidance was one of the best of the day. Johnson’s reply was wholly unconvincing. (See 3.33pm.)
The other key exchange came when Harriet Harman expressed dismay at Johnson telling MPs all rules and guidance were followed on the basis of such “flimsy” evidence. (See 4.54pm.) If you want to locate the gravamen of the committee’s final report, it is probably in that exchange.
Johnson was curt and abrupt. He did not quite lose his temper, but it was probably a mistake to take a swipe at Harman’s integrity and it should not have taken him as long as it did to disown the “kangaroo court” smears cast out by his supporters. Normally, in circumstances like this, unabashed humility goes down best. And honesty. One of the revealing lines from him came when he said that perhaps he should have been a bit more candid with the Commons last December when asked to explain to what extent guidance was followed in Number 10. (See 4.28pm.)
Even commentators well disposed towards Johnson (like the Telegraph’s Christopher Hope) are finding it hard to pretend that was a triumph. Johnson lost his job partly as a result of partygate, and the Brexiter Tory faction he now leads has, on the basis of today’s vote (see 3.20pm), been reduced to oddball rump of 22. When the committee has to decide what punishment is appropriate, it will take into account mitigating factors, and one reason not to trigger the recall process might be that a return to frontline politics for him seems increasingly unlikely anyway.
Key events
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Tory deputy chair Lee Anderson to be paid £100,000 per year for hosting GB News show
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Boris Johnson’s evidence to privileges committee – snap verdict
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Johnson says his supporters should not be calling committee kangaroo court
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Rishi Sunak paid more than £400,000 in tax last year, tax return shows
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Harriet Harman tells Johnson assurances he relied on when speaking to MPs were ‘flimsy’
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Johnson confirms he was not told explicitly that 18 December Christmas drinks were within Covid guidance
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Johnson suggests he should have told MPs following guidance did not, to him, meaning following it perfectly
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Johnson says by 8 December 2021 he realised he was getting ‘conflicting information’ about Christmas drinks year before
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Boris Johnson says birthday gathering in June 2020 was ‘reasonably necessary’ for work purposes
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Johnson suggests ‘unsocially distanced farewell gatherings’ were allowed at work under Covid guidance
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22 Tory MPs vote against government on NI protocol deal, division list reveals
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Johnson says Covid guidance allowed exemptions, and Jenkin says if he had said this to MPs, inquiry might not be happening
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Sunak wins vote on Northern Ireland protocol deal, with only 29 MPs voting against
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Johnson suggests Harriet Harman, the privileges committee chair, is biased against him
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Johnson says committee is in effect accusing civil servants and advisers of ‘lying’ about Partygate too
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Johnson evidence paused as MPs vote on NI protocol
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Johnson says if it should have been obvious to him rules were broken, it should have been obvious to Rishi Sunak too
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Johnson claims privileges committee’s approach to publishing evidence ‘manifestly unfair’
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Johnson says Sue Gray told him twice she did not think Partygate events passed ‘threshold of criminality’
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Johnson tells MPs – ‘hand on heart, I did not lie to the house’
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Johnson swears oath promising to tell truth as he commences his evidence
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Privileges committee ‘make kangaroo courts look respectable’, says Rees-Mogg
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Rees-Mogg says he will vote against NI protocol deal even though Stormont brake ‘could be useful’
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PMQs – snap verdict
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ERG says it is advising its members to vote against Sunak’s NI protocol deal
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Drinking wine in garden during work meeting within Covid rules, Johnson told Sue Gray
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Steve Baker says Johnson risks being seen as ‘pound shop Nigel Farage because of stance on Northern Ireland protocol
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Johnson ‘often’ joined Friday night drinks in press office and could have ‘shut them down’ if he wanted, MPs told
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Johnson ignored advice from senior official not to tell MPs all Covid guidance was followed, evidence shows
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Cabinet secretary Simon Case says he never told Johnson all Covid rules and guidance were followed in No 10
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‘I don’t know what we say about the flat’ – new Partygate evidence raises fresh questions for Johnson
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Johnson urges Sunak to revive confrontational approach to EU as he confirms he will vote against protocol deal
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Commons privileges committee publishes evidence bundle ahead of Johnson’s evidence session
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Liz Truss to vote against Sunak’s Northern Ireland protocol deal
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Boris Johnson says he will vote against Rishi Sunak’s Brexit deal as he prepares to face Partygate inquiry
Tory deputy chair Lee Anderson to be paid £100,000 per year for hosting GB News show
Conservative deputy chairman Lee Anderson has revealed he will be paid £100,000 a year for hosting a show on GB News, PA Media reports. PA says:
The annual fee, declared in an update to the MPs’ register of interests published on Wednesday, is a significant increase on the £200 weekly payment he received for appearing as a regular on Dan Wootton’s show.
The controversial MP for Ashfield, in Nottinghamshire, became the fifth Tory MP to host a GB News show when his deal with the channel was announced on 7 March.
He joins fellow Conservatives Jacob Rees-Mogg, Esther McVey and Philip Davies, who all currently host shows. Bishop Auckland MP Dehenna Davison previously hosted a show but left when she was made a levelling up minister.
And Nick Robinson, the Today presenter and former BBC political editor, also concludes that the committee will conclude Boris Johnson recklessly misled MPs.
No-one watching the quizzing of @BorisJohnson can be in any doubt that the committee will now conclude that he recklessly misled MPs by repeating & relying on assurances that rules and guidance had not been broken inside Downing Street 1/3
— Nick Robinson (@bbcnickrobinson) March 22, 2023
The case that Johnson wilfully or recklessly misled MPs looks set to be that he saw some of these events with his own eyes; ignored social distancing & relied on assurances that they didn’t break the rules from political aides rather than lawyers or officials 2/3
— Nick Robinson (@bbcnickrobinson) March 22, 2023
If I’m right the issue will be whether Johnson’s defence has done anything to persuade MPs to minimise the sanctions against him 3/3
— Nick Robinson (@bbcnickrobinson) March 22, 2023
Jason Groves, political editor of the Daily Mail, says he thinks the committee will find against Boris Johnson.
Pretty clear that the privileges committee is going to find Boris Johnson guilty. Harriet Harman says he relied on ‘flimsy’ reassurances, Bernard Jenkin says he ‘did not take proper advice’ before telling Parliament that no lockdown rules were broken
— Jason Groves (@JasonGroves1) March 22, 2023
Boris Johnson’s evidence to privileges committee – snap verdict
In its report earlier this month the privileges committee said that it would consider whether Boris Johnson misled the house and, if so, it would consider “whether that was inadvertent, reckless or intentional”. On the basis of that evidence session, and all the written evidence that has been released, it seems likely that Johnson will go down on recklessness.
That will be enough to trigger a sanction. But it does not have to be a suspension of 10-days or more, and it is not hard to see why the committee might opt for a lesser punishment. There has been little or no evidence to back up claims there was a conspiracy to lie to MPs. The committee will want to produce a report and recommendation acceptable to as much as the Commons as possible. And any sanction at all on a former PM like this would be unprecedented. That would serve as warning to ministers in future that they need to take their obligations to parliament a lot more seriously than Johnson.
On the whole, the committee did a good job. It is still not clear why the committee did not ask about the Abba party, but it ran to time, the questions were robust, it never became partisan and the Conservatives on the committee gave the impression that they are not minded to be intimidated by a write-in campaign organised by grassroots Johnsonite extremists.
We did not learn any great new facts. But the MPs were good at testing the robustness of Johnson’s arguments, and two exchanges were particularly revealing. First, Sir Bernard Jenkin established quite effectively that Johnson’s understanding of what the guidance actually meant was so elastic as to cover not taking any notice of the guidance at all. (See 3.08pm.) And his question about what Johnson would have said if asked at a press conference if a crowded drinks do was allowed in a workplace under the Covid guidance was one of the best of the day. Johnson’s reply was wholly unconvincing. (See 3.33pm.)
The other key exchange came when Harriet Harman expressed dismay at Johnson telling MPs all rules and guidance were followed on the basis of such “flimsy” evidence. (See 4.54pm.) If you want to locate the gravamen of the committee’s final report, it is probably in that exchange.
Johnson was curt and abrupt. He did not quite lose his temper, but it was probably a mistake to take a swipe at Harman’s integrity and it should not have taken him as long as it did to disown the “kangaroo court” smears cast out by his supporters. Normally, in circumstances like this, unabashed humility goes down best. And honesty. One of the revealing lines from him came when he said that perhaps he should have been a bit more candid with the Commons last December when asked to explain to what extent guidance was followed in Number 10. (See 4.28pm.)
Even commentators well disposed towards Johnson (like the Telegraph’s Christopher Hope) are finding it hard to pretend that was a triumph. Johnson lost his job partly as a result of partygate, and the Brexiter Tory faction he now leads has, on the basis of today’s vote (see 3.20pm), been reduced to oddball rump of 22. When the committee has to decide what punishment is appropriate, it will take into account mitigating factors, and one reason not to trigger the recall process might be that a return to frontline politics for him seems increasingly unlikely anyway.
Harman says the questions are all over.
She asks if Johnson has any final points to make.
Johnson says he has “much enjoyed” the discussion.
Someone in the room laughs loudly.
Harman says the committee will consider what he has said.
But it may take other written or oral evidence, she says.
And with that she closes the session.
Harriet Harman says “finally” she wants to address the point about when Johnson corrected the record.
Q: You said when you corrected the record that at gatherings you attended that the guidance had been followed at all times. Will you correct that?
Johnson says the rules were followed. And it was his belief at the time that the guidance was followed “and it remains my belief”.
Q: What is your belief now?
Johnson says he does not want to dissent from what he said in 25 May last year.
Q: Do you accept that there was a degree of recklessness?
Johnson says nobody wants to tell the Commons something that is not true.
What he said was based on his genuine understanding and belief, he says.
It was not obvious to him there were problems with some events, and it was not obvious to some others too.
Johnson says his supporters should not be calling committee kangaroo court
Sir Charles Walker (Con) goes next.
He asks about Conservative Post, the pro-Johnson website. The website has run a campaign against the privileges committee inquiry. Yet when the Commons voted to hold this inquiry, the government, led by Johnson at the time, did not oppose it.
Johnson confirms that.
Q: So it is misleading for Conservative Post to criticise Tory MPs for not opposing the inquiry.
Johnson accepts that.
Q: On 14 June 2022 there was a motion to add Harriet Harman to the committee. When the motion was put, not a single MP objected? Is that right?
Of course, says Johnson.
Q: So if MPs did have concerns about the committee, someone would have objected?
Johnson says he has said what he has said about the concern about Harman being impartial. He says he has come to the committee confident it will be impartial.
Q: Your supporters seem to want it both ways. They are hoping the committee will exonerate you. But just in case it doesn’t, they want to delegitimise us. Do you see us as a kangaroo court?
Johnson says the committee can tell from the respect he has shown it how he views it. This is the body that decides these matters. He does not think the committee can find he wittingly misled parliament.
Q: Do you regret your supporters have called the committee a kangaroo court?
Johnson says there should be no attempt to intimidate the committee.
Q: So do you regret that?
Johnson says he deprecates that term. (It is one used by Jacob Rees-Mogg just today – see 1.57am.)
Alberto Costa intervenes.
Q: Do you think the committee could be wrong, but still fair?
Johnson says it would have been “insane” for him to lie to the Commons. He says he is sure the committee will find in its favour.
Asked if he will accept it is acting in good faith if it doesn’t, Johnson says he will wait to see what it concludes.
UPDATE: Johnson said:
I think if this committee were to find me in contempt of parliament – having come and done something so utterly insane and contrary to my beliefs and my principles as to come here, to come to parliament and wittingly lie – I think that would be not only unfair, I think it would be wrong.
Back at the committee, Sir Bernard Jenkin (Con) says if he was accused of law breaking, and if he had to speak to the Commons, he would want legal advice.
Johnson says he was not accused of law breaking.
Q: Jenkin says, if he was accused of breaking rules, he would want to “copperplate” his assurances by taking proper advice. But he did not.
Johnson says before the first PMQs he thought Keir Starmer would not bother to ask about the story.
He asks the relevant people, senior people, about the matter.
Q: You did not ask the cabinet secretary.
Johnson says he asked the cabinet secretary on 7 December to investigate.
Rishi Sunak paid more than £400,000 in tax last year, tax return shows
Turning away from the hearing for a moment, ITV’s Robert Peston has the headline figures from Rishi Sunak’s tax return.
The PM paid tax last year of £432,493. His income and tax info is attached. It amounts quite simply to confirmation of what we know, namely he is relatively wealthy. His capital gains last year were £1.64m and his dividend income was 172,415, which implies his share holdings… pic.twitter.com/68Q3Yz9Top
— Robert Peston (@Peston) March 22, 2023
Harriet Harman tells Johnson assurances he relied on when speaking to MPs were ‘flimsy’
Harriet Harman says she was in the Commons at the time when she heard him talk about his assurances. MPs thought they were serious assurances.
Yet they were from political advisers, not civil servants; the advisers had their own doubts; the assurances covered rules, not guidance; and they only covered one event.
So can you see why MPs are dismayed about the “flimsy nature” of these assurance, she asks.
Johnson disputes this. He says Jack Doyle and James Slack had both given assurances about Christmas drinks event.
Johnson says Doyle did not tell him that he (Doyle) had doubts about the event.
He says if the committee tells him he cannot rely on advice from people like Doyle and Slack, it would be difficult for government to carry on.
Q: Some might see your reliance on the purported assurances you received as a “deflection mechanism”.
Johnson says that would be a “completely ridiculous” assessment.
Q: You relied on Jack Doyle’s assurances. But he himself was doubtful about the events complying with the guidance. Look at the messages on page 79 of the bundle. He was “struggling” to come up with a way the gathering was within the rules. Did you know he had doubts about that?
Johnson says he was not aware of that. Doyle did not send that WhatsApp to him. And it was on 25 January, long after the reports first came in.
He says Doyle was not at the June 2020 event.
Johnson confirms he was not told explicitly that 18 December Christmas drinks were within Covid guidance
Q: Is it right that you received no assurances that the event on 18 December 2020 complied with Covid guidance? Jack Doyle made this point in written evidence. (See 11.31am.)
Johnson says that was correct. But nobody had said anything “adverse about the guidance”, he says. (In other words, he says he was not told it was against the guidance either.)
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